Assembly Election 2022: Lagan Valley

Lagan Valley is a constituency centred on Lisburn and including Belfast suburb of Dunmurry, the relatively upmarket towns of Hillsborough and and Moira and rural areas at Dromore and Dromara.

Currently there are five MLAs…DUP (2) UUP (1) Alliance (1) SDLP(1). The Alliance member left the Party to become Independent.

It is a Westminster constituency where unionist votes are weighed rather than counted. But recently unionist infighting and the rise of Alliance has added an element of chaos.

I travelled by train to Lisburn.

The spreadsheet shows Assembly 2017 and Westminster 2019 results. For the benefit of folks in USA, it is important to understand that Assembly is decided in eighteen constituencies where having a quota of votes is required to win one of five seats. And Westminster is decided on a simple “first past the post” vote. I also include the runners and riders for 2022.

The quota might be high at over 7,500.

As always the problem is untangling the real strength of a party from the unique circumstances of the tactical voting of 2019 Brexit Election.

The DUP have two big hitters here. Jeffrey Donaldson is Party Leader and the current MP for Lagan Valley. Paul Givan was briefly First Minister in the Norn Iron Executive.

It can be expected that DUP will take a hit over Brexit, Protocol and general incompetence. The 2017 and 2019 votes cast are not very different. and probably enough for two quotas.

Givan has been allocated Lisburn City and Donaldson has been allocated (among other places) Moira.

Donaldson has been climbing the slippery pole of loyal Order and unionist politics for decades. Bag-carrier for Enoch Powell in South Down, he moved to Lagan Valley to do much the same for Jim Molyneux. He was then UUP of course but switched to DUP after the Good Friday Agreement. Already a “Sir” , he will in due course become a “Lord”. I expect he will just love that.

But now he has a job to do…saving the DUP. And possibly even saving Norn Iron.

With over 11,000 votes cast for UUP in 2017 and just over 8,500 votes cast for UUP (Robbie Butler) in 2019, the true position in terms of UUP core votes is probably around 10,000.

UUP were effectively squeezed in 2019. Some voters may have decided to shore up the unionist vote and others may have decided that the best way to unseat Jeffrey Donaldson was to vote Alliance.

Laura Turner posters are in Lisburn.

Trevor Lunn (now 75) an Alliance veteran who held his seat in 2017. Since then he has left the Party to be an Independent. He is standing down at this election. It appears that the party hierarchy and local party members were in indecent haste to have him resign and be replaced by a co-option.

Trevor Lunn was over 1,000 votes below quota.

In 2019 Sorcha Eastwood’s vote suggests that Alliance are on course for two quotas. But is it so clear cut? Her 2019 is inflated by tactical voting.

Sorcha Eastwood has been acting that she is already a MLA and that the election on 5th May is just a formality. She is probably right.

But with two likely DUP seats and one likely UUP seat, then David Honeyford has to target the sole SDLP seat of Pat Catney.

SDLP taking a seat in Lagan Valley in 2017 was a major surprise. As I recall I put a bet on Pat Catney to win a seat. It was touch and go with transfers playing a major part. It will be harder this tim with two Alliance candidates and just two from DUP. But I hope that Pat’s record as a MLA will be crucial. He sponsored the Period Products Bill and that is bound to help.

There are probably 2,000 votes available to Lorna Smyth (TUV). But they are really only transfer fodder for DUP.

Gary Hynds is standing as an Independent, having stood as a Tory at Westminster 2019.

Gary McCleave (Sinn Féin) stood in 2019 and got just over 1,000 votes. This was a big drop from 1,800 for Sinn Féin in 2017. There is little interest in Westminster politics for nationalists in Lagan Valley but undoubtedly some tactical voting for Sorcha Eastwood. A chunk of his transfers might help Pat Catney.

Simon (Si) Lee is unlikely to make an impression except in terms of transfers to SDLP and Alliance.

Amanda Doherty (People Before Profit) is in the same position. Her second preference vote will be more important than the first preferences.

PREDICTION.

None.

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Reunion Concert, Bangor

I saw this in Bangor yesterday.

Baby Protocol, Posh Protocol, Sporty Protocol, Scary Protocol,Silver Protocol

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Assembly Election 2022: North Down

North Down is a constituency running east from Belfast along the southern shore of Belfast Lough. A concentration of dormitory towns including Holywood, Helens Bay, Bangor and Donaghadee.

It is known as The Gold Coast because there are a lot of rich, upper middle class but there are also working class (loyalist) areas in Bangor.

Currently there are five MLAs…DUP (2) UUP (1) Alliance (1) Green (1). One of the DUP members left the Party to become Independent.

In political terms it is somewhat isolated from the rest of Norn Iron. Over decades the Westminster seat has been held by Independent (unionists) such as James Kilfedder, Robert McCartney and Sylvia Hermon. The current MP elected in 2019 is the first member of a mainstream polical party (Alliance) and even so is a MP because of Green Party, SDLP and Sinn Féin standing aside to help guarantee an anti-Brexit victory.

I travelled by train to Holywood and spent an hour there before travelling on to Bangor.

The spreadsheet shows Assembly 2017 and Westminster 2019 results. For the benefit of folks in USA, it is important to understand that Assembly is decided in eighteen constituencies where having a quota of votes is required to win one of five seats. And Westminster is decided on a simple “first past the post” vote. I also include the runners and riders for 2022.

The quota required in 2022 may be just over 6,100 votes.

The defection of Alex Easton means Gordon Dunne who is Holywood based becomes the DUP front runner. DUP are almost certain to lose a seat here. Jennifer Gilmour does not seem likely to be elected.

An odd one. The UUP is allegedly modernising under Doug Beattie. But it seems like it is in transition and the two election posters (Alan Chambers in Bangor) and Naomi McBurney in Holywood mostly) seem to underscore the transition.

Chambers only joined UUP about ten years ago, having been a prominent Independent in the council for decades. He topped the poll in 2017. But standing in the Westminster election and only getting 4,000 votes effectively costing the DUP a seat by splitting the unionist vote might cost him votes this time.

Naomi McBurney looks more in the image of Doug Beattie’s “union of people” rhetoric.

If asked a year ago, if Alliance would gain a seat in North Down, I would have said YES. So would the Alliance Party. Now I am not so sure. Neither is the Alliance Party.

They might be helped if there is a collapse of unionist votes or if unionists are so turned off by Brexit, DUP incompetence, Protocol and internal wrangling. This could mean that turn-out within the unionist community is lower than the more “progressive” elements in the constituency.

We have a situation where there are three unionist MLAs and two (Alliance and Green). Does Farry’s election change the balance in North Down.

Well in 2017, Alliance ran one candidate (Farry) and got safely over quota on the first count. That does not suggest a second seat.

Nor does the Westminster triumph in itself. The 18,000 votes includes 5,000 loaned votes from Greens and about 1,200 from nationalists and maybe some core unionist voters tactically voting against DUP. The bottom line is that Farry only got 45% of the votes cast against 50% for combined unionists.

On the plus side for Alliance is Farry has performed well at Westminster.

The downside is that Farry is not on the ballot paper.

The mantle of Alliance front-runner goes to Andrew Muir. He seems to have the lions share of the election posters around Holywood and Bangor. Running mate, Connie Egan seems to be based in other parts of the constituency. The only posters I could photograph where seen from a bus.

Alliance could take a seat here…but is it the Green seat?

Alex Easton is based in Donaghadee but his posters are in Holywood and Bangor. He left DUP last year, apparently fed up with internal bickering which probably frustrates DUP voters. He already has a constituency-wide profile, having topped the poll in 2017 and been runner up to Farry in the Westminster election.

The position of the Green Party is interesting. Thru Brian Wilson (occasionally Alliance) and Steven Agnew, there is a consistent Green presence in the cinstituency. Agnew was elected in 2011 and was Leader of the party but he left politics in 2019. Rachel Woods was co-opted to replace him. She had been a local councillor.

But as the Greens stood aside in the Westminster election, she is untested at this level. But she has made an impression with legislation to support victims of domestic abuse.

The downside is that while the Green Party are the brand leaders in terms of the “environment”, all parties are now “green” to a limited and more pragmatic level.

The figures…well just over 5,000 votes for Steven Agnew was not too far off a quota. But has standing aside for Stephen Farry (Alliance) in 2019 helped or has it stalled the Green momentum?

John Gordon (TUV). What can I say? His transfers might help Dunne (DUP).

Declaration of Interest. I have met Deirdre. I think she is an excellent candidate.

I have often referenced Alasdair McDonnell’s statement (10th March 2012) that there is a “horseshoe” of towns and villages around Belfast Lough, where SDLP has no real presence.

There are two reasons. The reluctance of (maybe) vulnerable people to raise their heads above the parapet and declare themselves as SDLP candidates or sign nomination papers for those who are willing to stand.

The second reason is I think (and it pains me to say it) acceptance of this by the SDLP hierarchy. I contend that no District Electoral Area should be left uncontested. It is a right…a duty even …for SDLP and every party to offer a manifesto to every voter.

I believe this to be a right and a duty for TUV in Crossmaglen and for Sinn Féin in Bushmills. And certainly for SDLP in Donaghadee. There should be mechanisms to facilitate it…eg the need for the ten supporters to be on a local register.

To some extent, SDLP has tried to resolve this (or made it worse maybe) by nominating candidates from outside the constituency. It has never really worked.

Whether in historic terms …as Irish, as nationalists and as social democrats, a potential SDLP voter in Holywood is no different from a potential SDLP voter in Derry. Yes everyone has a specifically local culture and issues but it all works best when a knowledgeable person FROM the constituency steps forward.

So Deirdre Vaughan is the pathfinder.

Deirdre is not just playing Big Politics here. It is more about cycle ways, beach clean ups and traffic light provision and seems angled towards working mothers and everyday issues.

In the first two General Elections of the 21st century, SDLP got over 1,000 votes in North Down. In three most recent, they have not bettered 700.

Pretty much a similar story in Assembly elections.

So that is the first challenge…….add votes. While never likely to win a Stormont seat, there is the potential to create a SDLP bloc of votes than can influence outcomes.

The focus is largely on the ballot boxes in Holywood. The next local election is only two years away.

But SDLP on Ormeau Road need to play a part. Treat North Down, East Antrim and East Belfast and their representatives as genuine partners.

Ray McKimm posters are all over Bangor and Holywood. He is an Independent councillor. Usually at this level, Independents are limited to a specific issue or a very narrow geographical area. There is a you-tube interview…a bit sychophantic with Nuala McKeever. McKimm’s pitch is that People Before Party, slightly utopian but he makes good points about well-being. He is a maverick and that is typical of politics in North Down.

If it is North Down there has to be a Tory. In 2022 it is Matthew Robinson who got almost 2,000 votes in 2019.

Therese McCartney is standing for Sinn Féin.

And Chris Carter is an Independent.

PREDICTION.

None. But if there is any traction at all in an Alliance “surge” this is the key battleground.

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Assembly Election 2022: Strangford

Strangford is a constituency comprising towns like Newtownards, Comber, Ballygowan and Saintfield as well as the Ards Peninsula which includes towns like Portaferry and Kircubbin. So it is a mix of (almost suburban) Belfast and rural areas.

Currently there are five MLAs…DUP (3), UUP (1), Alliance (1).

It is overwhelmingly unionist…a mix of middle class UUP voters and traditional loyalist voters who are usually DUP supporters. Although the SDLP has almost won a seat on a few occasions, Catholics and nationalists have tended to transfer to Alliance.

The spreadsheet shows Assembly 2017 and Westminster 2019 results. For the benefit of folks in USA, it is important to understand that Assembly is decided in eighteen constituencies where having a quota of votes is required to win one of five seats. And Westminster is decided on a simple “first past the post” vote. I also include the runners and riders for 2022.

If there is really disenchantment (Brexit, Protocol etc) on the unionist side, then the quota might be as low as 6,000. How does that pan out?

I was in Holywood and Bangor (North Down) today and went on to Newtownards. Very few posters in the town.

DUP look set to lose a seat. And on 2017 figures, veteran Peter Weir is the most vulnerable but co-opted Harry Hunter is less well known. Michelle McIlveen is probably safe. The party is vulnerable to TUV on its right and a re-organised UUP on its (relative) left. It is hard to see how they can make two quotas.

Peter Weir seems to have been allocated Newtownards.

The loss of Simon Hamilton , once touted as the future Leader of DUP is massive. He was a young and believed more secular than his fundamentalist colleagues.

Alliance are hoping and even expected to gain a seat here. But the Alliance numbers are hard to read. One candidate and only 600 votes below Quota was a safe seat. The Alliance “surge” and tactical voting and Alliance got over 10,500 and that can point to two seats. I put the actual Alliance core at between 7500 and 8000 votes split between two candidates.

And 7,500 to 8,000 votes could be the difference between one seat and two.

Kellie Armstrong is better known but she has courted controversy with her infamous 2019 tweet. “Can Unionists or Nationalists be non-sectarian”. She apologised as people always do and she has fought an election since but it is offensive. Especially as she knocks doors and asks people…unionists and nationalists for a second preference vote.

I know nothing about Nick Mathison but I hope he outvotes his running mate. His posters are in Newtownards.

The UUP are in an odd position. With only one seat in 2017 (Michael Nesbitt retained his seat and Philip Smith lost his seat), they appear to be lost over the last five years.

A combined vote of just 7,800 votes in 2017 was never going to translate as two seats. The UUP fared even worse in 2019 when sole candidate (Smith) got only 4,000 votes. It is pretty obvious that moderate anti-Brexit unionists voted Alliance.

But “TV Mike” and Smith are fully signed up to Doug Beattie’s “union of people” nonsense and if they think that they can get two seats here, then it has to come at the expense of a DUP seat or taking back votes from Alliance.

SDLP has been on the brink of taking a seat in Strangford for some years but always come up just short.

Strangford is geographically and culturally divided. Places like Saintfield are effectively dormitories for Belfast. Places like the Ards Peninsula are more remote, rural. SDLP have a reasonable vote but the key is towns like Newtownards, Comber and Ballygowan where the SDLP vote is small.

It seems like a paradox.

But historically Catholics, nationalists or if you prefer the term “people from a nationalist or Catholic background” in these towns do not vote for SDLP.

There are two reasons. One is that being a minority in these towns is no picnic. Better to keep a low profile and just vote Alliance. Secondly SDLP has made no real effort in these electoral districts at council level.

This is a problem that Alasdair McDonnell the former SDLP highlighted at a SDLP conference in March 2012. He talked about a “horseshoe” of areas around Belfast Lough, Larne to Newtownards where SDLP was invisible.

There may not be many votes in Newtownards, Comber and Ballygowan but the point is that a mere 200 votes could make a difference.

In fairness to veteran, Joe Boyle who is Portaferry based he is very active in Conor Houston’s campaign but it seems a good move to pick Conor (who I have never met). Sexual orientation should not matter but being openly gay and from a background that is not SDLP is a welcome development.

Sinn Féin are weak in Strangford. There is probably less than 1,000 votes for newcomer Róísié McGivern. But most transferrable votes will go to SDLP.

Maurice Maccartney (Green) stood in the 2019 Westminster election. He is probably going to get 1,200 votes, most of which will transfer to SDLP and Alliance.

Stephen Cooper also stood in 2017. The TUV did not stand in 2019 so some of Jim Shannon’s vote is tactical voting from TUV. Probably in excess of 2,000 votes.

The field is made up with Ben King (Independent).

It seems a strange contest. DUP will lose votes to both TUV and UUP. But will UUP lose votes to Alliance. Will Alliance lose votes to moderate UUP candidates and to SDLP. Will SF and Greens transfer in sufficient numbers to put SDLP over the line?

PREDICTIONS

None. I only do Questions. I do not do Answers.

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Assembly Election 2022: North Belfast

North Belfast is a constituency comprising areas like Antrim Road, Crumlin Road, Oldpark Road and Shore Road (the arterial roads leading north from the City Centre.)as far as the old village of Glengormley and Ligoneil. It includes prosperous areas like Antrim Road and working class areas like New Lodge and Ardoyne (nationalist) and Tigers Bay and Ballysillan (loyalist) and some interfaces.

Currently there are five MLAs…Sinn Féin(2), DUP (2), SDLP (1). Significantly Sinn Féin took the Westminster seat from DUP in 2019.

The spreadsheet shows Assembly 2017 and Westminster 2019 results. For the benefit of folks in USA, it is important to understand that Assembly is decided in eighteen constituencies where having a quota of votes is required to win one of five seats. And Westminster is decided on a simple “first past the post” vote. I also include the runners and riders for 2022.

The quota is likely to be less than 7,000 votes.

Last week, I took the bus from Belfast City Centre along Antrim Road to Glengormley. And then from Glengormley along the Shore Road to York Road, thru Tigers Bay and New Lodge Road to Antrim Road and to the city centre.

Everything in this constituency seems distorted by the Westminster Election. Dodds of DUP has been losing ground for years but against a divided opposition and the unionist tendency to circle the wagons, the inevitable passing of a once-safe unionist seat to John Finucane son of murdered solicitor Pat Finucane was accelerated by the response to Brexit and the coalition of Sinn Féin, SDLP and Greens in four constituencies.

Nothing succeeds like Success. Nothing fails like Failure. The DUP have the stench of Failure and Decay.

Gerry Kelly posters are in the Upper Antrim Road and Glengormley and Caral Ní Chuilín posters in the New Lodge Road area. Both are former republican prisoners. The Finucane vote in 2019 includes loaned votes from Green Party and SDLP …probably a total of 7,000 votes. That should leave enough for two quotas. But not safe.

Relatively young and moderate DUP newcomers at this level. Brett posters appear at Glengormley and Shore Road and Kingston posters in Antrim Road and Tigers Bay. The Nigel Dodds vote of 20,000 in 2019 is actually a pan-unionist vote. I do not expect the DUP vote to exceed 11,000.

Philip Brett’s brother was shot dead by the UDA as he chatted with Catholic friends near the GAA club in Glengormley

Nichola Mallon is Minister for Infrastructure and Deputy Leader of SDLP. Her higher profile should increase her 2017 votes and bring her close to the quota. The SDLP standing aside in 2019 ensured Finucane’s election. Will Sinn Féin show any gratitude in the form of transferred votes.

Described in some places as “progressive”, Julie Ann Corr-Johnson is a defection from PUP, the party with links to loyalist paramilitaries. I am not sure what this says about Doug Beattie’s allegedly modern “union of people” party. I cant say that I am surprised that our “progressive” media has noticed this.

Still Ms Corr-Johnson got over 2,000 votes as a PUP candidate in 2017 and if she retains the majority of the votes and adds to around 2,500 UUP votes….and with DUP on a losing streak, she could well take a seat here.

Nuala McAllister is one of those young Alliance politicians who seem to act like they are already a MLA. A political friend with good judgement says this is exactly the right thing to do. But this kinda thing irritates me and possibly a combination of karma, hubris and schadenfreude (sp) will ensure McAllister gets nowhere near the Assembly.

In pure electoral terms, going from 3,500 votes (2017) to almost 5,000 votes (2019) suggests that she has a chance of taking a seat.

The problem is assessing the true extent of the Alliance vote. A base of 3,500 added to the much hyped “surge” and how potential voters react to Alliance not being part of a broader anti-Brexit coalition.

Did “soft” unionist voters vote for McAllister because they had no wish to vote for Dodds. Did “soft” nationalists turn to McAllister because they did not want a Sinn Féin victory?

Do committed Sinn Féin voters punish McAllister for (as they might see it) almost granting a victory to Dodds?

Is Alliance still thinking a “plague on both your houses” or “one side is as bad as the other”?

Does the rise of the Greens limit Alliance “surge”?

Billy Hutchinson…the loyalist sectarian killer. He was jailed for a double murder, when two Catholics were shot dead in a drive-by shooting. The awkward thing about the 1998 Good Friday Agreement is that we had to tolerate people like him. The defection of Corr-Johnson in North Belfast and John Kyle in East Belfast …both to UUP…means that PUP is stripped of all pretence at Respectability. They will lose votes. A lot of Hutchinson posters around Shore Road and Tigers Bay.

A lot of Ferguson posters. Especially on Antrim Road and New Lodge. I think that the People Before Profit party has lost some impetus. I dont think there will be any real improvement on 1,500 votes.

In fairness, the only leafleters/canvassers that I saw on my trip was two PBP folks at the Antrim Road end of New Lodge. I did shout “Putin Before People” at them.

With two relatively moderate DUP candidates, Ron McDowell stands a good chance of picking up some right wing votes. There was no DUP candidate in 2017 (but Nelson McCausland was a DUP candidate and on the right of the party.

Mal O’Hara talks a good game and active on the doorsteps and could double his vote. The question is where do the Green transfers go.

As for the other candidates.

Lily Kerr (Workers Party) the veteran Unison trade union member stood in South Belfast in 2017. The Stickies have the problem of the People Before Profit party looking 21st century while the Workers Party is still in the 20th century.

The Aontú candidate, Sean MacNiochaill is from County Derry and will not make an impression.

Stafford Ward (unknown to me) is an Independent.

PREDICTIONS

None.

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Assembly Election 2022: West Belfast

West Belfast is a constituency comprising Falls Road, Andersonstown, Ballymurphy, Glen Road. It is mostly nationalist with small unionist areas in the Shankill area and a smaller enclave at Blacks Road. I lived in the constituency from my birth in 1952 until 1979.

Currently there are five MLAs…Sinn Féin (4) People Before Profit (1).

The spreadsheet shows Assembly 2017 and Westminster 2019 results. For the benefit of folks in USA, it is important to understand that Assembly is decided in eighteen constituencies where having a quota of votes is required to win one of five seats. And Westminster is decided on a simple “first past the post” vote. I also include the runners and riders for 2022.

West Belfast is of course considered a Sinn Féin stronghold. It was not always so. In my schooldays, it had a Unionist MP and it was mid 1966 before Gerry Fitt, later a founder member of the SDLP became MP for West Belfast.

SDLP has had a poor record in West Belfast. In 1973, the party only took two of the six seats for the new Assembly. And with the exception of Dr Joe Hendron (1992-97) has been a declining force. Alex Attwood lost its only Assembly seat in 2017.

In some ways, I am torn between writing a nostalgic piece about how much I love West Belfast, the Grosvenor Road area where I lived, sixty years of my parental family in Brighton Street across from An Cultúrlann where the SDLP Campaign was launched last week. The “West Belfast Nostalgia” post might be published after the election. But there would be an element of hypocrisy. In 1979 I was glad to get out to Dungannon in County Tyrone. Other families moved to Carryduff, Glengormley, Glenavy and Crumlin.

Whatever West Belfast is today…a one-party state dominated by Sinn Féin…is in part the fault of people like me.

But back in 2009 at Queens University, I wrote my dissertation for my degree at Queen’s University.

The story in 2022 is that Sinn Féin holds the Westminster seat and four of the five Stormont seats. It is not just about politics…it is about demographics and boundary changes and the changed nature of Society.

The quota will be short of 7,000 votes with plenty of nationalist/Sinn Féin motivation to secure “First Minister” status and maybe some unionist recognition that the game is finally up….or will be in a couple of decades.

Four Sinn Féin candidates. Two (Sheehan and Flynn) were elected in 2017. Reilly was a co-option and Baker is replacing veteran Alex Maskey who is retiring from politics.

Travelling up the Falls Road, Pat Sheehan has been allocated the area from Castle Street to the Kennedy Centre and oddly an area around the Andytown Leisure Centre. A small area from Kennedy Centre to Kennedy Way has been allocated to Reilly. So I presume she has been allocated Glen Road. The main Andytown to Suffolk area is allocated to Flynn and the area above Suffolk is allocated to Baker.

Hopefully I will travel into Andytown estate, Ballymurphy, Springfield to work this “vote management” strategy out.

“Vote Management” is the great strength of SF. The strategy is to divide the the perceived Sinn Féin into four parts of equal size. They will know the potential vote thru previous pre-election canvassing and the actual votes from individual ballot boxes at previous counts.

It is the point where Politics meets Mathematics.

Although Sinn Féin are the masters of the art form, they do not always get it right. It is not an exact science. In 2017, Sheehan’s vote was 1,500 behind the leading SF candidate.

People Before Profit is a catchy name for a political party but it seems more like a slogan. The party maybe over-estimated itself in 2017. Gerry Carroll was elected in 2016 with 3,000 votes above the quota. Trying for two seats in 2017, the party had less than a quota.

The four PBP members of Dáil Éireann disgraced themselves by not being fully behind Ukraine. This makes Gerry Carroll vulnerable to another slogan “Putin Before People”. On Westminster 2019 figures, there is still a possible quota but has the PBP bubble burst?

Can the decline of SDLP be halted? Paul Doherty was a newcomer in 2019 but will benefit from that experience. He reaches parts that other politicians do not reach. He runs a food bank that feeds 400 families a week. He is from West Belfast and worked in the Royal Victoria Hospital (the area’s largest employer) and was an active trade unionist. He has brought aid from West Belfast to the borders of Ukraine. He has had several posters stolen on the Shankill Road. He replaces them and he is a savvy performer in local newspapers and on social media. There are left-leaning and neutral and possibly unionist transfers in the mix.

Is it….and SDLP policies…enough. The point about Paul Doherty is that he can attract votes from beyond the SDLP…..votes on the basis of “I like his charity work” or “I worked with him at the Royal”. Never under-estimate the non-political votes.

A Declaration of Interest here. The SDLP Campaign launch was at An Cultúrlann and I played my part in Paul’s campaign, putting a leaflet thru the door of my grandparents house.

Frank McCoubrey (DUP) is a regular DUP performer here. But unlikely a quota can be put together from unionist votes.

Interesting to see how UUPs youthful newcomer, Linsey Gibson performs against DUP old stager McCoubrey.

Jordan Doran (TUV)…again its about the internal unionist battle.

If Donnamarie Higgins can muster over 1,500 votes (she got 1,800 at the Westminster election), Alliance would consider it a good result. At best the transfers are crucial.

Gerard Herdman Aontú will perform well. But the problem is whether Aontú votes siphon off votes for Sinn Féin and SDLP or whether they actually return to these parties as transfers.

The Green Party are of course on the rise but in WEst Belfast start from too low a base to be in the hunt for a seat.

In 2022, IRSP (Irish Republican Socialist Party) seems a curious throw back to the 20th century. Daniel Murphy will be lucky to get 200 votes.

Patrick Crossan represents the Workers Party. They are always with us. But People Before Profit are largely on their pitch.

Three Independents, Tony Mallon, Gerard Burns, Declan Hill make up the field.

PREDICTIONS.

None.

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Assembly Election 2022: East Belfast

East Belfast is a constituency that includes prosperous areas around Knock, Belmon and Stormont and working class Protestant areas such as Lower Newtownards Road, Castlereagh Road, Woodstock and estates such as Gilnahirk and Dundonald. There is a Catholic enclave at Short Strand and a smaller Catholic community at Ballyhackamore. The parish priest at Ballyhackamore was shot in 1974. Happily he survived and died just a few years ago.

I went thru the Newtownards Road on Monday last, stopping off to take photographs of election posters

Currently there are five MLAs…DUP (2), Alliance (1), UUP (1).

The spreadsheet shows Assembly 2017 and Westminster 2019 results. For the benefit of folks in USA, it is important to understand that Assembly is decided in eighteen constituencies where having a quota of votes is required to win one of five seats. And Westminster is decided on a simple “first past the post” vote. I also include the runners and riders for 2022.

East Belfast is usually considered safe DUP territory but Alliance have done well on occasions. Naomi Long actually defeated Peter Robinson. DUP Leader and took the Westminster seat in 2010. But the seat returned to DUP in 2015.

The quota for 2022 will be around 6,500. The most recent election was the Westminster Election of 2019. The Green Party, SDLP and Sinn Féin withdrew in favour of Naomi Long and UUP did stand which did not help DUP. She was widely tipped to win the seat but failed. On election day, I spent some time in Short Strand polling station where I was told that Long was not getting the Catholic votes that she took for granted. In part, it was a nationalist reaction to Alliance splitting the anti-Brexit vote in South Belfast and (especially) North Belfast.

Veteran DUP MLA has retired from Politics JoAnne Bunting is a current MLA and David Brooks is a newcomer at this level. As Gavin Robinson got over 20,000 votes in the last Westminster election, it is likely that the two DUP candidates will muster the required quotas between them. It will be a test to see the extent Brexit and the Protocol has damaged the electoral chances of DUP.

Chris Lyttle, elected in 2017 has also decided to retire from Politics.

Alliance “surge”? Well as Alliance are only fielding two candidates, they wont be making any gain in East Belfast. I would have expected them to field three. Why not? Well two is certainly a risk-free option. Or maybe Long expects to top the poll and get elected on the first count. And that little triumph would be undermined by “vote management” of three candidates.

While it is unlikely Alliance will hit 19,000 votes this time, there is enough votes to get two over the line. The SDLP and Green posters are evidence that Alliance are no longer the only “letsgetalongerists” in East Belfast.

As well as Chris Lyttle, a youngish and popular MLA standing down, they have lost a councillor who has defected to UUP.

Andy Allen seriously wounded by the Taliban in Afghanistan was elected for UUP in 2017. This time he has a running mate, Lauren Kerr. Much is made of the fact…not least by herself… that she is a woman, 30 years old and gay. Not the typical UUP member.

I think she has a chance. She should be transfer friendly. I did not see any Kerr posters on Newtownards Road. So she has been allocated a different part of the constituency.

John Kyle, previously of the PUP recently defected to UUP and his endorsement will help UUP. They have also gained a councillor who has defected from Alliance.

A lot of Bryan Smyth posters on Newtownards Road and he is in with a chance of a seat. He will certainly improve on the 2017 vote and is transfer friendly and likely to pick up eliminated votes from Sinn Féin and SDLP and probably Alliance transfers.

I would be surprised if John Ross (TUV) made a serious dent in the DUP vote.

A surprising number of People Before Profit…Putin Before People posters. I cant see many votes for PBP. They might present themselves as neutral on Irish unity but the perception is that there are nationalist.

Charlotte Carson. Surprising number of posters around North Road, Ballyhackamore and Holywood Arches. Some of her posters have been burned. I am of course partisan but I have never met her. She is impressively unafraid and one of a group of new candidates that bring (literally) something new to the Party. In Charlotte’s case it is Feminism, and standing up to Israeli tanks.

The SDLP vote has dipped to as low as 140 in recent Assembly elections. And I think that Charlotte’s first task is to increase SDLP votes here.

I have not seem any Mairead O’Donnell (Sinn Féin) posters but as yet, I have not been in Short Strand. Probably around 1,500 votes available to them.

Karl Bennett (PUP) will fall far short of the 2,500 plus that John Kyle (now with UUP) got in 2017. I do not understand why Doctor John Kyle, an excellent medical doctor who was concerned about his community got kudos from the media despite his association with PUP.

And Eoin MacNeill …well the Workers Party are always with us.

PREDICTIONS

None of course. But two things to look for …the people who style themselves as “progressive” have more than two quota and unionists/loyalists have more than two quotas so who takes the fifth seat.

Essentially the real interest here is the state of unionists/loyalists in the post-Brexit world. Do voters go for the traditional, nihilistic route of DUP, TUV, PUP or the pragmatic route of UUP (occasionally) or Alliance.

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Assembly Election 2022: South Belfast

South Belfast is a constituency comprising areas like affluent Malone, Lisburn Road, the Queens Universityarea and the Holylands bedsit land. It also includes Ormeau, Donegall Pass and Sandy Row and suburban Carryduff. It also includes the City Hospital, Musgrave Park Hospital and the health service administration at Purdysburn

Currently there are five MLAs…SDLP (1), DUP (1) Alliance (1) Sinn Féin (1), Green (1).

Previous to 2017 when it was a six seat constituency, the sixth seat was held by SDLP. The five seats are held by five different parties.

The spreadsheet shows Assembly 2017 and Westminster 2019 results. For the benefit of folks in USA, it is important to understand that Assembly is decided in eighteen constituencies where having a quota of votes is required to win one of five seats. And Westminster is decided on a simple “first past the post” vote. I also include the runners and riders for 2022.

The quota for 2022. Probably 7,000 votes is as good a figure as any. So on the face of it Claire Hanna’s thumping 27,000 votes in 2019 could be three quotas. Of course this massive vote includes votes that would normally go to Sinn Féin and the Green Party. This was a result of the anti-Brexit pact with those parties. In a “first past the post” election Claire would probably have won, on SDLP being the best placed to take the seat from DUP. Old fashioned tactical voting.

For 2022, SDLP is fielding two candidates, Matthew O’Toole who was co-opted to replace Claire Hanna in the Assembly and Elsie Trainor, a newcomer. By all accounts Matthew who I have never met has been very impressive at Stormont. Elsie, who I have met hit the headlines earlier in the week when she tackled two thugs who were removing her election posters.

To some extent, Claire Hanna is a very visible presence in the election campaign. Likewise the team of councillors. What is the extent of SDLP strength in South Belfast? Well it is better than 8,300 votes in 2017 and way below 27,000 in 2019. So almost impossible to arrive at a figure that is somewhere between a core vote and a “soft” tactical vote.

I think SDLP will top the poll. Probably in excess of 10,500 votes. The thing to note is that there are only two constituencies where SDLP believe they can take a second seat. This is one of them. Elsie is not the “sweeper”. I think she has a reasonable chance.

Alliance is the only other party to field two candidates. Paula Bradshaw is a MLA. Running mate, Kate Nicholl is the current Lord Mayor of Belfast and has been an Alliance staffer for some time.

Ms Bradshaw contested South Belfast for the Conservative/Unionist Party at the Westminster General Election. She joined Alliance in 2010. Husband Ian Parsley contested 2009 European Election for Alliance, then joined UUP/Tories and then rejoined Alliance.

Again the question is what is the real strength of Alliance.

In early 2009, the Alliance “surge” led to some hope with Alliance hype that they would take the Westminster seat.

It would take a heart of stone not to rejoice that the best laid plans were foiled. It would appear that some who voted for Alliance in 2017 did not do so in 2019. So the core vote is much less than they think. Where do tactical votes go?

I have always said that lending votes to another party is a bad idea. They never really return at least not all of them do.

So Alliance strength is probably only a little higher than in 2017. Probably no higher than 9,000 and probably short of two quotas, even with transfers.

But will Nicholl outvote Bradshaw?

Deirdre Hargey was co-opted to Stormont when Máirtín O’Muilleoir resigned. Already the Minister for Communities. Sinn Féin will not lose votes thru supporting Claire Hanna in 2019. She is safe.

Also a co-option to replace the much respector Christopher Stalford who died three months ago. Poots had stood down in Lagan Valley to facilitate “Sir” Jeffrey Donaldson.

Yet it is a strange case. Poots had briefly succeeded Arlene Foster as Leader of the Democratic Unionist Party. And really when DUP decide you are “yesterday’s man”, there is not much to be said. But strange also as Farmer Poots seems a bad fit for the dazzling metropolitans and cosmopolitans of South Belfast.

DUP SHOULD be punished for Brexit. But will their stupidity actually rally the traditional loyalist voters in Donegall Pass and the “Village”?

Unlike Sinn Féin who will not suffer from lending votes to SDLP, Clare Bailey is not safe. The dilemna for SDLP is how hard they go after the Greens. Do they owe Clare Bailey anything? The dilemna for the Greens is that all the parties (except DUP of course) have got green policies that are not seen as “extreme” by ordinary families.

Stephen McCarthy is a UUP “moderniser”. It is a relative term of course but he is committed to the Doug Beattie slogan of “Union of People”. UUP does not have a MLA in South Belfast but the combination of Brexit miscalculation, Poots being parachuted into the constituency and simply being a better fit for South Belfast makes it possible if not very probable that McCarthy could take the unionist/loyalist seat.

Sipho Sibanda is likely to improve on the 2017 Assembly vote for People Before Profit. But the jibe that PBP is tone deaf over the Ukraine War…or “Putin Before People” will harm the party. As always it is their transfers that can make a difference and they will go to the left, Sinn Féin (who may not need them) and SDLP (the second candidate will need them).

Even in the Brexit Election (Westminster 2019) and the Hanna (SDLP) landslide, the Aontú candidate got 550 votes and maybe up to 1,000 votes this time for Luke McCann. Much is made of Aontú’s almost single issue (Pro-Life, anti-Abortion) policy putting them in common cause with the DUP. But there is nothing in DUP history that shows any life-enhancing feeling towards Catholics (equal housing, equal jobs) and it is easily overlooked that Aontú is pro Irish language and pro-Irish unity.

Sinn Féin will not need Aontú tansfers. SDLP might. And Clare Bailey, perhaps the most vocal of Pro-Choice activists in Norn Iron will get nothing.

I find it intriguing that Aontú, pretty much a “Catholic” party …helps or hinders SDLP and Sinn Féin. On the plus side, the transfers have to go somewhere. On the negative side, they can siphon off first transfers.

Neil Moore (Socialist). Not much to say except it is South Belfast and there has to be a youthful “socialist”.

In fact, it might even be a legal requirement to have two socialists. Paddy Lynn, Workers Party is also on the ballot paper.

And Elly Odihambo is an Independent.

No sign of any TUV posters on my two trips to South Belfast but I cannot see Andrew Girvin making an impression except taking votes from Poots (DUP) which might filter back to DUP after Girvins elimination.

PREDICTIONS?

None

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Strictly Come Journalism (The View)

“The View” (Thursday night 10 40 pm) is the flagship politics programme on BBC Norn Iron.

I never watch it of course. It represents all I do not like about local politics…DUP, TUV, UUP, Greens, Alliance, Sinn Féin. And commentators and bloggers.There is nothing worth than an over-promoted blogger.

About two weeks ago, while channel surfing I found “The View”….for about fifteen seconds. Alex Kane, a good commentator was actually commenting on an interview Colum Eastwood had just given to Mark Carruthers….while Colum sat there and listened.

I thought it was the oddest fifteen seconds of Norn Iron political journalism I have ever seen.

It reminded me of “Strictly Come Dancing” (another show I don’t watch) where a panel of judges critique dance performances by couples (one being professional and the other a celebrity amateur).

So as I channel surfed last night, who do I see but Mark Carruthers and Mary Lou McDonald from Sinn Féin and a judging panel…Fionnuala O’Connor and Newtown Emerson.

Ms O’Connor made a very valid point that Mary Lou’s answers were based on Carruthers questions and that his questions could have been better.

Carruthers got a bit sniffy and precious about that. Now I admit I never heard any of his questions. But that does seem a valid point.

But it does undermine the “Strictly” format, where the professional, Mark Carruthers is being judged rather than the amateur (in this case Mary Lou McDonald).

My experience of local journalists on TV goes back fifty years.

As a general rule, SDLP seemed to get on better with UTV people rather than BBC people. I wonder if that is just how I remember things.

Anyway back in the 1970s, we had the Brothers in the masonic lodges and the Brethren in the Orange order. And fun working out who was in one, who was in the other and who was in both.

I switched off before Newton Emerson contributed. Apparently he is now with the Irish Times.

Whatever he said might be reported by his old mucker, Mick Fealty on Slugger O’Toole…which is part fanzine devoted to Newton Emerson.

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Decade of Half Centenaries: Deaths March 1972

There were as far as I understand 35 Troubles-related deaths in March 1972.

As far as I can work out, four on duty British soldiers were killed.

Ten members of the IRA were killed, some in premature explosions.

Four members of the Royal Ulster Constabulary were killed. Three members of the Ulster Defence Regiment (all off-duty or retired) were killed.

Fourteen civilians were killed, mostly Catholic.

Looking thru the records always brings incidents to mind. Somehow we remember “incidents” more than individuals.

Two Catholic schoolboys in a stolen car shot dead by the British Army.

The Donegall Street Bomb. A bomb in a “bin lorry” which blew two police officers to pieces and killed the bin lorry crew. I had worked in Belfast Corporation Cleansing Section and one of the victims, Sid Bell was well known to me.

The Clonard Street Bomb which killed four teenage IRA men at a bomb-making instruction. Some houses were also destroyed. One of the teens was known to me.

The Abercorn. A bomb exploded in the restaurant at Castle Lane/ Cornmarket. Two young women shoppers died and two other sisters were badly mutilated. losing legs and other limbs. Scores were injured. There was and is no doubt that the IRA were responsible.

Footage of the aftermath, including mutilated injured people made the Saturday evening news. Really the first time we had actually seen that kind of horror.

The two killed and the two badly mutilated were Catholic girls. It was largely a venue frequented by Catholics. Ironically, it is very likely that the bombers were also two Catholic teenagers who left the bomb in a shopping bag.

On a personal note, my cousin and I passed thru Cormarket about half an hour before the explosion.

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